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SENATOR WALKER: Heal envy Peru Citizens vote abroad for a quarter of a century.

Senator Walker: "It's a wake up call for us who want to give lessons in democracy."

In Chile, opens the discussion again after the government imposed additional requirements Piñera for Chileans to vote abroad. The bill states that could vote who had come to the country during the past eight years and five months of continuous or discontinuous.

"call to Chile" called the senator and president of the Christian Democrats (DC) Ignacio Walker, the presidential electoral process in Peru, highlighting the overseas vote of Peruvian emigrants.

"We note with emotion how Peruvians in Chile were able to vote outside of Peru. This is a warning to us that sometimes we want to give lessons in democracy and not allow the Chilean overseas can vote, "said Senator Walker.

About 62 000 Peruvian citizens residing in Chile, met in absolute normality with a civic duty to cast their vote for presidential and parliamentary elections in Peru.

Peruvians living abroad vote for more than a quarter century, when other countries in the region do just the past few years, as case of Bolivia. While in Chile, opened the discussion again, after the Piñera government imposed additional requirements for Chileans to vote abroad.

government reform the bill states that could vote Chileans who had come to the country during the past eight years and five months of continuous or discontinuous.

"We do not want links because we believe it is an arbitrary measure, the idea is to expand democracy and give that power because it is a right, Chileans are like all of us." Said Sen. Isabel Allende.

With regard to the Peruvian electoral process in Chile, in conversation with the senator said that Exchange 21 is the best demonstration of thousands of eligible voters personas en el mayor orden, sin ningún trastorno, sin ningún reclamo, y sin ninguna condición."

Ante la propuesta del gobierno, la senadora aclaró que "no sé entender porque el gobierno está obsesionado con el vínculo cuando es una discriminación y no tiene mucha justificación en América latina". Asimismo reiteró que "aquí la Constitución dice que tiene derecho a voto todo mayor de 18 años mientras no haya sido condenado a una pena aflictiva, (sobre tres años y un día) y por lo tanto no entendemos la postura del gobierno y por eso apelamos al Tribunal Constitucional".

Del mismo modo, reaccionó el diputado PPD Tucapel Jiménez, al ver la participación Peruvians living in Chile, to what he called to follow suit.

"The Peruvian democracy has given us an example of unconditional vote of each and all Peruvians living abroad, this should serve as a lesson, once and for all give the right to vote to Chileans living overseas. "Jimenez said.

In this context, the government invited the legislature to give Piñera stand back and eliminate conditions that want to impose on Chileans living abroad to exercise their right to vote. "The only condition to vote is to be Chilean, as stated in the Constitution of the Republic," adding that "pretending to fall into place conditions the smallness of political calculation. "

Peruvians abroad represent about 5% of the electoral roll, so important in defining presidential Jimenez said, noting that" unlike in Chile, has never doubted their rights, as in our country. "

According to INE data, only 12% of those living outside our borders do so for political reasons, 31% have family reasons, 40% economic justifications and 3% for study, so the fear of the right, would not be justified, as on the subject said Sen. Soledad Alvear.

Source: Cambio21.
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PERU: Peru's Election: Is this the worst case scenario?

The prediction of Mario Vargas Llosa and fulfilled his prediction as the Peruvians in the second round will have to choose between cancer and AIDS or AIDS and cancer (which each label to candidates who passed to the second round choice). The emergency information, the volatility of the electorate and the polls that were changing as the weeks went by gave full validity to the claim. However, already accomplished the first round and waiting for the second would be worthwhile to consider the nature of the situation in which we find ourselves trying to play down the extent possible.

I will not become an advocate of populism both are given if left or right, since in all cases are harmful to democracy. The story of Laclau on mobilizing the masses and transgressive forms of politics will leave that to recount the experiences or the Bolivarian Kirchner likes so much. However, faced with the inevitable should be a few questions, starting with trying to explain why the Peruvian people voted and voted and who are responsible for who has done one way and not another and responses must include, of course, political elites, but also economic.

is true that Peru has grown fantastically in recent years and the middle class drew on many social groups once more disadvantaged. Just take a walk in Lima or in the main cities of the country to realize it. Nevertheless, there are many more that have not emerged from the prostration and who, in times of plenty, claim their share of the pie. Peruvian political system, and his former party, has been rolled and the image the public has of its politicians and major republican institutions (parliament, justice, political parties) is at least unfortunate. Only the president is saved something and that, on good account, by the messianic character who is often credited to the presidency, still seen as powerful, and feeling that exists in this strongman and many other companies in the neighborhood.

To top it off this negative image was reflected in a campaign to forget and will not appear in the case studies of any material guru. The single redeeming exception, which largely explains what happened, was the campaign of Ollanta Humala, by far the best from the perspective of electoral marketing. The consultants sent by Lula allowed the leader "left nationalist" as some call it, or populist dry as others call it, to develop a cohesive and coherent speech, yes from the perspective of their own claims and interests. While Humala was a candidate, at least publicly, the more spent on the campaign and this is also reflected in the won popular support.

Another matter entirely is to Keiko Fujimori, the only free from the constant ups and downs of the polls. She always remained strong at around 20%, a very solid floor to put it into the second round. It is clear that there are still many Peruvians who, for various reasons, live with regret the government of his father. It also worked caudillistas messianic elements present in the winner of the first round. By contrast, the rest of the competitors got from the beginning to the whirligig of mediocrity all season and did not get out of there. Pedro Pablo Kuczynski was perhaps the main exception, but his start was too late to scratch those just over 600,000 votes were needed to reach the second round. It is obvious that the dispersion of votes of the urban middle little help.

While this is not the time for a sensible analysis of the reasons for the failure of the candidates more "traditional", would be appropriate for those who have benefited from growth in recent years to take note of this result because depending on what happens in the second can drift around a path or not, but could also happen that will witness dramatic changes, which would undoubtedly be the best news you could receive. Some surveys

equality between Humala and Fujimori in front of the second round is at the moment, very close. The big question is how Peruvians will vote on it. And here we are far from typical interrogation made to young children if they want more to dad or mom. On this occasion would have to change the terms of the issue who refuse or who fear less so. In this sense, the vote of fear and mistrust are the determining elements the next election result.

Whoever wins will have to make generous promises to attract many voters who are missing. Humala need 20% more votes, and Fujimori almost 28%. These are impressive figures. If we add the cruising speed reached by the Peruvian economy, the scope for populist experiments is reduced, which does not mean the complete irrationality imposed once again in Latin America. But Humala's efforts to move closer to Lula Chavez instead of, or the anxieties of Fujimori to remember its democratic roots are there. Anything can happen in the second round and, more importantly, anything can happen next. It is desirable that the winner is able to maintain the current growth path of restoring popular confidence in democracy and its institutions. At the moment it is only good words and be followed closely everything that happens in Peru.

By Carlos Malamud - Analysis - Information and Analysis in Latin America.
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VENEZUELA: Venezuelan exodus triggered violence. Mariano

At first glance, Morales Luisalva not give the impression of being a threat to anyone.

soft-spoken and polite treatment, economist and university professor of 52 years is expressed as an urban contrast to the hostility prevailing in Venezuelan society since Socialism XXI Century polarized the country.

Yet Morales that was classified as an enemy of the revolution that President Hugo Chavez advances and harassment waged against left she did not have to abandon everything that had accumulated in a lifetime of effort to reach reach United States nothing.

Their crime? Tell who would listen that Venezuela had lost democracy.

"What they wanted was for me to shut my mouth, to stop saying that Chavez was a dictator," said Morales. "He said it in college. There, I said in my home, I said in the street, where he could, where the opportunity arose. "

can now only speak in Miami.

Morales, along with her husband and children, decided to leave the country in late 2009, after the murder of his brother and the beginning of a series of anonymous phone calls warning him that his turn had come.

As Morales, thousands of Venezuelans who have been forced to leave the country, persecuted, they argued, by violent groups close to the government that have undertaken the task of controlling the streets and infiltrate neighborhoods and intimidate those who dare to speak out openly against the government.

In the U.S., the number of people escapes in Venezuela has grown steadily since Chavez came to power in 1999, although the Venezuelan general do not like to emigrate.

legal residences that U.S. authorities granted to Venezuelans during the eighties barely topped 20,000. In the last decade the number was approaching 100,000.

The Justice Department's numbers also show that Venezuela was not seeking political asylum. In 2000, the U.S. only received 47 such applications by citizens of the South American country. For 2006, the number had soared to more than 1.000. But

exodus of immigrants to the United States is much higher and some estimates put the number of Venezuelans living illegally in the country where tens of thousands.

In Miami, Venezuelans fleeing Chavez have reached such a magnitude that have begun to exert some influence and local authorities are beginning to honor their contributions.

The mayor of Miami, Tomas Regalado, plans to designate April 13 as the Day of Venezuelan exiles, in a ceremony to recognize special circumstances that are forcing people to migrate from the oil-rich country, as Doral City did last year.

The selection of the day no es casual, comentó José Colina, presidente de la Organización de Venezolanos Perseguidos Políticos en el Exilio (Veppex), que organiza el evento y donde participarán otros grupos opositores venezolanos el miércoles a las 2 p.m. en la sede de la Alcaldía de Miami.

Ese día marca el retorno del mandatario venezolano al poder después de ser derrocado brevemente en el 2002 y el inicio de “un éxodo masivo de venezolanos en el exterior porque el gobierno de Chávez emprendió una persecución atroz contra todos aquellos que tenían una ideología distinta a la del gobierno”, señaló Colina.

Uno de ellos es Janette González.

La ejecutiva of a technology company had participated in several mass marches on the threshold of the events of April 2002, in which demonstrators were beaten and mistreated by members of the so-called Bolivarian Circles.

But it was a week that Chavez returned to power when she and her family became a specific target of the militants.

"One week after Chavez's return, they were organized and began the chase for the world," said Gonzalez. "They knew who we were and had to go out with an eye on the neck. You had to go a day here or there one day. "

According to Gonzalez, the persecution waged against him, was performed by individuals assigned to the Mayor of Guatire, a city located east of Caracas, who had been instructed to defend the revolution with arms. Many

moved through the area on bikes, from which they opened fire on suspected targets. The victims were registered in the statistics of the underworld, he said.

Once Gonzalez was ambushed when the car he was traveling with a coworker was intercepted by a group of motorized waiting in a dark stretch of road. Began to pass by to pursue the vehicle and opened fire on him.

Terrified, Gonzalez and his companion they hurried to a police booth, at which point the gunmen were returned.

On another occasion, the motor went to Gonzalez's house and shot at her while their children played outside. The pursuit lasted for a period of several months until the family decided to leave.

"I got sick with all these problems, I developed a high voltage problem, gave me an aneurysm in his arm was a lot of pressure. It was not an issue anymore and we had to leave, "Gonzalez said. Exit

meant leaving behind a comfortable life. Gonzalez earned an annual salary equivalent to $ 50.000. Her husband had his own business. They own homes, cars and travel three times a year.

"We had an established life and had to leave everything to come here with three bags," he said.

The merchant marine captain Simon Marval, was also forced to flee.

Marval, who in his spare time he was working to proselytize for the opposition, was the victim of an attack. Was traveling by car from Caracas to the coastal town of La Guaira, when the car was intercepted by two men traveling on a motorcycle and opened fire.


The captain and another officer who accompanied him were unhurt although the car was hit three times, but Marval was surprised to get to La Guaira.

"When I went to put the complaint in the shootings, a police officer called me and said that the characteristics of what he was talking, the attackers were police. 'You better go, he said, is Chavez' "he said Marval.

harassment continued throughout the next few years, to the extent that the captain was still doing work of proselytism, linked to the Alliance party to a Bravo Pueblo headed by leader Antonio Ledezma.

That work led him to meet with residents of poor neighborhoods to explain the contradictions of the political process forward by Chavez, an activity that was frowned upon by supporters of the government.

On another occasion, Marval was stopped in a parking lot by a group whose members said they were young Chavez and those waiting for him where he had parked his car. They beat him and while the captain was lying sprawled on the ground, one of them approached him and said: "This is for you to continue working against the commander."

incidents gave more strength to continue, said Marval, who despite knowing the risks he was convinced that without this type of activity Chávez would continue in power.

That changed when he returned home after spending more than a year captaining a ship for a German shipping company. It was in January 2010 and two days after arriving, he received a call that someone told him: "You came and you're leaving. If you want to stay alive, it is best that you go. "

The call was the turning point for the captain's family, whose wife and children were then required to receive counseling.

"Ten days [the call] was here in the United States without knowing exactly what was going to do, "he said.

Source: El Nuevo Herald - ANTONIO MARIA DELGADO.